About two months ago, President Barack Obama and his administration began to reverse what is known as the “conscience rule,” which was solidified under former President George W. Bush’s administration.
The rule was developed to protect healthcare workers from being forced to provide services toward which they may have moral or religious objections—services, for example, such as abortion and birth control.
In short, persons who hold moral and/or religious objections toward a “health service” are legally protected from any repercussions should they refuse to partake in such an action.
For a man whose spoken intent is to unify the American people, pushing to rescind such a rule is baffling—abortion is, of course, a very divisive issue, and to infringe on the rights of people who conscientiously choose to not provide such a procedure would seem, at least prima facie, to be a direct and blatant violation of some Americans’ First Amendment rights.
Wasn’t the pro-choice movement focused on the idea of individual choice regarding the decision of abortion? Why then would they not allow for health care providers to choose not to give an abortion?
Given this, what is it then about such a rule that is so objectionable to the Obama administration and to the predominately pro-choice groups that are pushing for the invalidation—or at least restructuring—of the conscience rule?
Opponents have expressed concerns that some women—seeking abortions or birth control—will not have access to those types of procedures in certain circumstances, especially if they are from low-income backgrounds and with limited economic means.
In reported cases of rape, for example, which amount to around one percent of all women who seek abortions in 2004 according to the Guttmacher Institute, a division of Planned Parenthood, some see the conscience rule as perhaps too limiting for a woman’s access to birth control and abortion.
“A concern is a situation in which a rape victim showing up in an emergency room and not being told that contraception is still an alternative,” was the language used by Lori Lamerand, President of Planned Parenthood of Middle and South Michigan.
To such an argument, I think the pro-choice movement has itself ironically provided a response. In A Defense of Abortion, Judith Jarvis Thomson argues that one’s rights do not go so far as to infringe on the autonomy and individual rights of another. An unborn child, whom she grants is a person for the sake of argument, does not have the right to the life support of his or her mother. Neither does the government have the right to force her to support the right to life of the child.
Therefore, it seems analogous to say that a woman’s right to an abortion does not force others to provide an abortion for the mother—because a woman seeking an abortion does not have the right to force others to provide an abortion for her.
Neither would it seem that the government has the right to force people to choose against their consciences. Since I do not think the pro-choice side as a collective whole is willing to stand against Thomson’s argument, something which seems to be fundamental to the entire pro-choice movement, I think that it is best they cease their objections to the conscience rule on the grounds which it seems they are currently arguing against it.
If the unborn child’s right to life does not require a mother to provide life support, then why should a woman’s right to an abortion require others to provide an abortion for her?
Now, not much has been out in the news recently about this move by the Obama administration—hopefully the administration has chosen to rethink their decision, which seems at least in principle to stand against everything that it means to be “pro-choice.”
It strikes me as odd, however, that President Obama would even begin to consider reversing such a rule, even if he hopefully ceases from any further action.
Are we really to say to health care providers that they are forced to provide abortions even if they view—for moral and religious reasons— such a procedure as the termination of an innocent life?
Suppose that I said that everyone who worked in a prison could not refuse—if they were ordered to do so—giving a lethal injection to someone on death row?
I cannot be sure, but I strongly believe that the Obama administration would be vehemently opposed to such an idea. Why then is it any different in the case of abortion and with the conscience rule?
Americans have the fundamental right to not be discriminated against based on their beliefs and should be allowed—given these freedoms—to be able to work in America’s healthcare industry without being obligated to provide a service which they sincerely believe to be the murder of the innocent.



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-- Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr.To me this means that, while I have the right to talk about Jesus in my valedictorian address, the school is not required to provide the microphone, amplifier, and speakers that are necessary to broadcast my voice to the hundreds of assembled people listening to me. I have the right to smoke a cigarette, but I cannot smoke that cigarette in the neo-natal wing of Vassar Hospital. I have the right to an abortion, but I don't have the right to demand a specific doctor to provide one for me. I have the right to drink alcohol, but not while strolling across the grounds of an elementary school. I have the right to drive my car, but not across the White House lawn. I have the right to abortifacient "birth control" medication, but I do not have the right to demand that a specific employee sell it to me, nor do I have the right to demand that my insurance provider pay for it, nor do I have the right to demand that a specific pharmacy even stock it. I do have the right to choose to frequent only those pharmacies and hospitals that provide the services I desire. I do have the right to choose an insurance company that provides all of the benefit I want.
(Capitalism and the free market will provide what is desired, if enough people want it. All that remains is for the people who want a product or service to locate and frequent the companies that provide that product or service.)
What I don't have, as a consumer, is the right to decide how a specific employee does their job, nor how a specific company operates their business.Freedom of speech and expression exists even in the workplace.The right to an abortion emanates from the right to privacy, which emanates from the 1st, 3rd, 4th, 5th, 9th, and 14th amendments to the Constitution of the United States. That does not give it precedence over 1st amendment rights; on the contrary, I maintain that it must take a back seat to the rights granted by the 1st amendment.Feel free to disagree, but please explain the error in my reasoning if you choose to do so.